JTICI Vol.4,Issue 2, No.6 pp. 156 to 172, June 2017

Joy Prafful Lakra

Abstract

The theoretical framework which came to dominate studies on Adivasis/ tribes in the beginning of the 20 th century was methodologically conceived around an evolutionary framework and fundamentally grounded on a caste perspective of non caste societies. This led to a bias analysis and understanding of such communities, who in many ways were different and did not somewhat fit into the category of caste ‘civility’ and culture. Taking the case of the Kurukhs / Oraons, and as a response to these historical processes of academic claims made by such outsiders, colonial administrators and upper castes anthropologists; of producing authentic knowledge on and about Adivasis/tribes, this paper critically engages with the knowledge produced from these locations and unravels the process of knowledge production related to the said society.

Stating the Context: Locating Self

We call ourselves ‘kurkher, (1)one of the Indigenous/ Adivasi communities in India, but due to some reasons not known yet, we are called Oraons, which is an exonym. None of us identify ourselves as Oraons. Having born in small village named Sishujhumra in Alipurduar district (earlier Jalpaiguri district) in West Bengal, I learnt all the skills of farming; from ploughing to cutting paddy. It is to my father and my uncle (Marcel kaka), that these skills are attributed to. I would follow them to the fields with the spade or behind the oxen being taken for ploughing. As a child, I enjoyed climbing trees and cutting firewood . I remember sometimes even our neighbours used to call me to pluck jackfruit, mangoes, sajna, bettel nut etc., from the trees. My father, being an army personnel had travelled across India, through various postings, and had realized the importance of a good education. We (two brothers and a sister) were sent to the nearest English Missionary school, which ensured that we got a decent education. If we would not have got concession from the school, it would have been difficult for my parents to pay our fees. My father had to undergo harassment every year just to renew our concession. While paying our fees, I would quietly pay the money so that my friends would not know that I pay less than them. Though I was not a very good student, I managed to pass each year. My interest for studies came only when I reached middle school.. After returning from the school, it was my duty to cut grass for the cattle, bring them from the field, give them fodder, clean and oil the lamps, watering the plants, cleaning the courtyard with the broom, bringing water etc. If there are some other works outside the house, my mother would assign that to me. Our village had no electricity that time, and the whole village would be engulfed in dark silence after sunset. Only flickering lantern could be seen at distant houses. Only two houses had electricity and television. We used to go there to watch movies on Saturdays.

Oral traditions highlight that, , our ancestors in Barway- Chainpur regio converted to Christianity to protect themselves from the onslaught of the ruthless zamindars. Even though I have never been to our native place, I have heard stories about the place and people from my father. Everytime, my father visited our native place, he use to tell us stories about Bendora, and crossing the Sankh river, or meeting some of his friends while in journey. My grandfathers were three bothers, one of them stayed in the village ‘Asro’, another went to the neighbouring village ‘Konchar’ to stay with his in-laws (Ghar-damad), while my grandfather came to work in the tea plantation in Dooars in Jaipaiguri district in West Bengal. We had plenty of ancestral land at ‘Asro’, but still our relatives had to stay in very poor conditions. . My grandfather use to send whatever he could afford to his brother to help him in the legal dispute and helped his brother. My father was not allowed to collect his matriculation certificate, till he had cleared all the pending fees he owed to the school. He went to get some financial help from the parish priest only to return empty handed. . My grandfather had to sell one of his Bulls, to get the required money, so that my father could collect his certificate. My father joined the Army, and was the only earning member of the family. He tried his best to get his cousins educated and even brought them to West Bengal from Jharkhand and got them admitted in schools. Now we have settled in a village and own some agricultural land. I can speak Kurukh, my mother tongue, English, Hindi, Bengali and Sadri.

Subject

For the last two years, I have been exploring the socio-religious movements among the Kurukhs in Chotanagpur, and recently completed my fieldwork for my Ph.D. thesis in the region. The Kurukh community is composed of tremendous diversity, with their own distinct histories, culture and belief systems. The process of homogenisation of the community has threatened the diversity of the community giving rise to tension and conflict. This research, through the socio-religious movements tries to look at the diverse composition of the Kurukh society.

Journey into Knowledge Production

My engagement with Anthropology especially ethnography began when I started pursing my doctoral studies. As my interest area was Adivasis it was but natural to engage with anthropology, and ethnography as a method of doing fieldwork. It never occurred to me at that time to engage with ethnography critically, but took such knowledge as given. When I further started reading more about anthropology and ethnography that I realized how it became instruments in the hand of colonizers to subjugate the natives. It has brutalized their history, culture and belief system. The word itself, ‘research’ is probably one of the dirtiest words in the indigenous world vocabulary (2).

The knowledge produced reflects ones’ location but the researchers are oblivious of it and not ready to accept it, as if they are delocated. In the due time, I started delving into some of the writings by the colonial administrators and the anthropologists on tribes and especially the Oraons. Most of the Indian anthropologists doing ethnographic works among the tribes happen to be Bengali Bhodroloks (3). One of them is S.C. Roy who has written extensively on the major Adivasi communities of Chotanagpur like Oraons, Mundas, Kharias and Birhors etc., But his representation of the Kurukhs is not what the community think they are. I discovered that these depictions were far removed from the reality. The truth claims of ethnography were further brought into question and refuted when I started my fieldwork. It was then that I realized that, the production of knowledge is political process and Adivasis have been rampantly used for it. What was more surprising to me was that he is considered as an authority on tribes. I became suspicious of it and started probing into the truth claims made by the anthropologists. In my search, I have found that, they have not produced knowledge, but have manufactured them through various processes about which I will discuss in details later. . These works have been major source of information for the academicians especially the anthropologists, studying sociopolitical life of the Adivasis, their history, culture and religion in Chotanagpur. These writings have consolidated and unified the diversity among the Oraons into one history, culture and belief system.

Expressing his resentment on the faulty depiction of Oraons by S.C. Roy, Mr. Saran Oraon of Hehel, Ranchi says, “There is plenty of discrepancies in his work.” While reading S.C. Roy or any other anthropologist for that matter, I find that they do not tell what I am. In fact, they have managed to subvert the facts, and fixed it as per their location. I would like to argue that, it is the location of the researcher which plays a critical role in determining what others are.. This paper also brings into question the validity of the knowledge produced by individuals about the community fundamentally located within the group. The matter of considering S.C. Roy as having authority on tribes especially Mundas and Oraons is an epistemological question. Will the community accept the knowledge produced by individuals? His Bhodrolok location and the socio-political mileu he was in facilitated the process of making him an expert on tribes. Acknowledging my own location, I have made an effort to present a Kurukh critique of ethnography and Roy’s work on Oraons.

Dominant framework and theoretical contents

The colonial presence, the advent of Christian missionaries and the Indian turned anthropologists in Chotanagpur have contributed in creating theoretical framework which corroborated with the evolutionary perspective. The studies during this period viewed tribes as primitives, savage and barbarian. The origin of anthropology in India goes back to the days of British colonial administration in the later half of the nineteenth century. (4) But for some scholars the anthropology as a discipline started taking roots with the establishment of Asiatic Society of Bengal. The study of groups, which subsequently came to be describes as tribal studies, began with the establishment of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (ASB) in 1784. (5) During this period the society (ASB) took extensive study of the ancient Indian texts especially the Sanskrit, which occupied the focal point of interest. (6) At times anthropological studies were motivated by genuine curiosity about the variety of different peoples of India and their exotic customs. According to Fabian, Anthropology contributed above all to the intellectual justification of the colonial enterprise. (7)

The administrative need of the British rulers forced them to use official machinery to gather information about the social institutions, economic conditions and religious beliefs and practices of the native Indians. Along with these, there appeared on the scene a small number of Indian anthropologists who were being trained by the British anthropologists to assist them in their anthropological work.TheseIndian anthropologists uncritically used all the paradigms to understand tribes in India. Saran and Sinha observes, “It is strange that even these very able pioneering anthropologists of Indian origin did not think that their work should be different form that of the British administrator- anthropologists who were studying an alien culture.” (8) Most of the colonial administrators like Dalton, Riseley were ethnographers and wrote extensively on tribal life, belief system, property rights, law of inheritance, marriage, family, kinship, social institutions etc. Notable among these works, focusing on groups and communities that later came to be called tribes, are Dalton’s Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (1872), Risley’s Tribes and Castes in Bengal (1891), Russell and Hira Lal’s Tribes and Castes of the Central province in India (1916), and Thurston’s Castes and Tribes of Southern India (1909). (9)

The colonial power provided an epistemological condition under which ethnography and ethnology took shape, and they were also the conditions under which an emerging anthropological praxis (research, writing, teaching) came to be linked to colonialism and imperialism. (10) In 1765 Chotanagpur passed into British hands when Dewani of Bengal (11) was ceded to the East India Company. (12) With this the Chotanagpur region which was under Bengal also passed into British power. But it took few more decades before the colonial government could expand its control in the region. It was not easy for the British to enter in the Adivasi areas, and the control over these areas was brought about by military campaigns. In 1836, Captain Wilkinson entered Kolhan region, with the aim of gaining control over the region. In 1837, Wilkinson signed a treaty with the Ho leaders, in which the Hos accepted defeat at the hands of the British. (13) As early as January 1771, Camac attacked Palamu. (14) He defeated the tribes who occupied the fort and put stiff resistance to the British. The Ramgarh Battalion was raised in 1795 on the recommendation of W Hunter, then the district officer of Ramgarh district. (15) There was dual purpose for raising such battalion; firstly, to protect the grand trunk road from the south-western frontier attacks of the Marathas and secondly for quelling the rebellions of the ‘semi civilised’ tribals and Adivasis residing in it. (16) Under the stewardship of Major Roughsedge from 1805 – 1821 the battalion grew into a mighty force and worked like an engine of terror and order in south west region of Chota Nagpur. (17) In 1780, Ramgarh district was placed under a Judge Magistrate Collector. (18) During the same time in 1781, civil and criminal courts were established at Chatra, the officer in charge of this also being responsible for supervising the collection of revenue. (19) Beside this on 4 th June 1809 six police thanas (stations) were established in at Maharajgunj, Jhinko Chutty, Borway, Barkagarh, Tamar and Tori. (20) Native magistrate called munshif were appointed at Chatra, Palamu and Lohardaga in 1825. (21)

The arrival of different Christian missionaries in Chotanagpur since 1844 onwards has also shaped the anthropological understanding of tribes in the region. The Christian morality and its belief systems are reflected in the earliest missionary writings. They have influenced both the British administrators and India anthropologists. The first four German Evangelical Lutheran (GEL) missionaries (22) from Berlin arrived at Calcutta on 14 th December 1844. (23) They were destined to go to Burma, but were held back due to various reasons. On the streets of Calcutta, they saw the aboriginals working as ‘coolies’ and were impressed by their gaiety. (24) In the meanwhile, on request of some English officers in Ranchi, missionaries were sent to work among the Adivasis of Chotanagpur. (25) In 1868 due to the internal crisis six GEL missionaries joined the Angelical Church. (26) Along with the missionaries, many people also joined the Anglican Church. In 1869 Catholic missionaries, Jesuits from Belgium arrived at Chotanagpur. Towards the end of the 19th century Christian mission stations were spread across Chotanagpur. The missionaries who were stationed at the mission stations were the primary source of information to the British administrators who were writing the descriptive accounts of the people under their jurisdiction. Missionaries like A. Nottrott, J.B. Hoffman, Ferdinand Hann learnt the languages of the people and devoted their time in writing Mundari and Kurukh grammar. A. Nottrott wrote the grammar for the Astro- Asiatic languages under the title “Grammatik der kolh-sprache” in 1882. The colonial administrators and the missionaries used’kols’ to designate Ho,Munda and Oraon tribes of the region. Hoffman who learnt Mundari and wrote its Grammar while in Sarwada. (27) Ferdinand Hann along with Dharamdas Lakra collected kurukh songs and published under the title “The Blue land”. (28) To understand the Indian society, the reliance on the ancient text have also contributed to the erroneous understanding of tribes. Beteille (1995) and Singh (1993) have argued that the term ‘tribe’ to describe people who were different from those of the mainstream civilization is a colonial construction. (29) But refuting such proposition Bara (2009) argues that such arguments ignores heavy reliance of colonial ethnographers upon the same traditional Sanskritic data that the pre- colonial idea of tribe was based on. (30) According to him the pre-colonial depiction of tribes in India, as found in the sanskritic and Hindu religious text as dasysu, daityas, rakshakas and nishadas (31) merely get replicated in the colonial understanding of tribes in India as primitive, uncivilized and barbarian. The labelling of the tribes by the colonial scholars appropriating from the available sanskritic and Hindu texts, the tribes became uncivilized, primitive and underdeveloped. They found Ramayana and Mahabhata to be historical texts from which they could derive the history of the tribes, especially the Oraons. Acording to F.A. Grignard, Ramayana and Mahabharata are the stories of the Oraon Tribe. (32) He makes a critical comparison of the Oroan tradition with the two great epics of India, and identifies Kurukhs with the Raksaas of Sanskrit literature. (33) But S.C. Roy, does not agree with Grignard, because the Raksaas in the epic are described remarkably tall race, whereas the oraons’ stature is below the average. He further states that in the Oraon folklore, and even in their stories of genesis of the human race, and of bhuts, the raksaas are their enemies. (34) Contrary to this Dehon observes, “All they know about their origin is that the name of their first ancestor was Rawana, a famous king who lived in the South. One of their legends which they recite when offering a kind of sacrifice to Dharmes (God) seems to be only a mutilated fragment of the old Hindu legend about Ram, Lachman and Sita, when Rawan, the king of Lankapur runs away with Sita, Ram’s wife.” (35)

Locating Anthropology within Dominant Theoretical Framework

It is not the matter of dispute that social anthropology emerged as a sensitive discipline at the beginning of the colonial era, that it became flourishing academic profession towards its close, or that throughout this period its effects were developed to the description and analysis– carried out by European, for a European audience of non Europen societies dominated by European power. (36) It is to be acknowledged here that, there is a tremendous shift in the anthropological understanding of tribes from the beginning of the twentieth century till now. The earlier understanding of tribes corroborated with the colonial, missionary and caste understanding of them. In this context, I would like to look in S.C Roy’s major works and show how they have been influence by the colonial, missionary and castes’ notions of tribe. I wish to delve especially on his earlier writings on Oraons and Mundas because till today that has shaped the understanding of tribes not only within the country but also outside. Coming from a caste society S. C. Roy tries to understand the social institution of the Oraons ‘Parha’ as the Chaturvarna (37),- Brahmins (priests), Kshatraya (soldiers), Vaishyas (traders) , and Sudras (menials) emerging from the different part of Brahma. He writes, “Thus, the village-elders may be said to form the head of the social organism, the able-bodied young men its arms- the Gorhait, the Lohra and othe village-servants its legs, -and the general body of cultivators Bhunihars and Gairos-its trunks.” (38) Further Roy has presented a Hinduized version of the village institution, premised on the rigid caste-system, where the authority of the village elders was unquestioned. (39) The Pahan or Baiga is an essential and indispensable factor of the Oraon village organization. (40) On contrary to this Oraons as a society has always maintained diversity and at various time the authorities of village elders, the parah and the pahan have been questioned and challenged. The Panch or administrative council of village- elders like Pahan, Mahato and Munda is derived from the Sanskrit words, reflecting the influence of Hindu culture on the Oraons. (41) This depiction of the Oraon society under the leadership of few great, leaders and heads is opposed to the consensus way of decision making process of the community. The Tana Bhagat movement in 1914 by Jatra Oraon, was about giving up exorcism and worship of the spirits, abstain from animal sacrifices, animal food and liquor. (42) Similarly Birsa Munda, forbade the worship of idols and spirits which used to play such a prominent role in Munda religion. (43) Both Jatra Oraon and Birsa Munda, by asking the people to give up exorcism and spirit worship have challenged the traditional authority of the Parha among the Oraons and Manki among the Mundas. He considers the non-caste societies from the caste framework and makes frequent reference to different clans among the oraons as ‘caste’ (44) or ‘jati (45). There is a detail description of how the parha intervenes into the conflict resolution between two villages during the jatra, conflict during games or sexual offences. But due to the British government, such conflicts have disappeared, leading to the decay of parha. (46) He attributes the disappearance of conflicts to the British administration. There are sweeping generalization like ‘love for drink’ and ‘the sexual liberty permitted to the unmarried of both sexes’, ‘unholy custom of pre-marital sexual liberty’ ‘illicit companionship’ which he terms as ‘vices of the racial character’. (47) There is detail account on how bachelors and maiden often find their way to each other’s dormitories and great laxity which prevails during religious festivals and dances. (48) These are loaded with not only Hindu morality but also racial connotations. Such depiction about the life of Oraon and Munda youths emerges from his Bhodrrolok location. According to Broomfield, “At the beginning of the twentieth century Bengali rural and urban society differed in many fundamental respects, yet they shared a common dominant elite. In city, town or village there was one group of Bengalis who claimed and were accorded recognition as superior status to the mass of their fellows. These were the Bhodrolok, literally the ‘respectable people’, the ‘gentlemen.’ They were distinguished by many aspects of their behaviour – their deportment, their speech, their dress, their style of housing, their occupations, and their associations – and quiet as fundamentally by their cultural values and their sense of social propriety.” (49) Their position in the caste hierarchy has also enabled to acquire education, allowing them to enter educational institutes, bureaucracy, judiciary and politics. This ensured that they become a very power section in Bengal. A flurry of activities in literature, art, politics and economics placed Bengal firmly in the forefront of almost all Indian associational life. (50) By the end of the century Calcutta become second only to Britain among the cites in British Empire. (51) Bengali poets and writers were internationally acclaimed and Bengalis were prominant among the Indian professional classes and in government circles in regions as distant as Sindh in the north west and Burma in the east.

Due to the influence of Christianity, Roy draws similarity between a Dhumkuria and a seminary (52) and compares its three training period like that of a novitiate. (53) Located within the caste hierarchy, where there is taboo to express ones’ sexual desires, and pre-marital sex was an offence, he finds the Oraon and Munda community as having unrestricted sex. According to him, the immoral practices of the tribes can be refined through Education, Christianity and Hinduism. (54) He views the intervention of the British and the missionaries and their education system to dispel the darkness of superstitions and ignorance providing opportunities and give them a broader outlook on life. (55) As Bengali Bhodroloks were beneficiaries of the British and the Mission schools and colleges, he also views Oraons and Mundas with the similar framework. With this framework he started probing into the benefits of education which tribes have got. In the late nineteenth century, one section of British opined (led by Lord Rippon and Lord Dufferin) favours the extention of bhodrolok opportunities in British administrative positions, in local selfgovernment bodies, in courts and in the legislatve councils. (56) It is the British government and the Christian Missions, however, that the Munda owes the heaviest debt of gratitude. (57) An interesting account is given to the growth of Christian Mission in Chotanagpur and it is shown how much the Mundas are indebted for their escape from utter ruin to the education and support given them by the missionaries. (58) Roy firmly believed that Christianity and Hinduism are providential and create moral order among the tribes. T he advent of Christian Missions in Chotanagpur has been a providentian boon to the Mundas and Uraons in having expedited their social and intellectual evolution. (59) He goes ahead and gives proof of how Hinduism has brought civilizational, intellectual and moral change among the Mundas, and living an advanced life compared to those who are not affected by Hinduism. It has been their long contact with the Hindus that has raised the Mundas of the eastern pargans of the Ranchi District in the scale of civilization. (60) Many of the Hinduised Mundas of the Panch Parganas are, in their manners and intellectual capacity, now hardly distinguishable from other Hindus of equal social status and intellectual culture. (61) The past Adivasi movements are termed ‘dismal accounts of riots and affrays’. (62) According to him it has been stupid for the Oraons who are generally ‘submissive’ and ‘tenacious’ to join the Mundas in 1832, 1889 and 1899 to regain their lost rights by such lawless methods. (63)

Manufacturing ‘Authentic’ Knowledge

The anthropologists have not only presented a biased understanding of tribes, but also denied their right to be accepted as their contemporary. In a deeply contradictory way, ethnographers go to a great length to become contemporal with others during fieldwork then deny in writing that these others with whom they lived are their contemporaries. (64) While reading the two major works by S.C. Roy among the Oraons, ‘The Oraons of Chotanagpur’ (1915) and the ‘Oraon: Religion and Customs’ (1928), the readers does not figure out where the research has been conducted. There is no specific mention of the geographical location of the research, except making vague references to some villages like, Hundru Ghagra, Arsipokhar, Darnda Tigra, Silagain, Lundri, Manpur, Kanjia (thana mandar), Banapirhi (thana Ranchi), Tumba Purio (than Ranchi), Kinbitha (than mandar), Chund (thana Mandar), Burha Khukra (thana Mandar), Jamgain (thana Lohardaga), Prayagu (thana mandar), Amboa (thana Lohardaga), Kudarko, Dighia, Chitrakota (thana Ranchi). He does not discuss in his book about the methodology he has used to collect his data. We are not fully sure whether he has actually visited the field sites to collect the data or not. Or he has just used key informants from whom he would collect data. This could be a possibility as it used to a practice. B.C. Majumdar employed few tribals as domestic servants who also served as his primary informants. (65) We get sense that beside his there were others who were also in the field, because he addresses in plural “we” when asking questions to the people. The people from whom he has asked question, collected data and spent time with are completely invisible from the writing, not even acknowledged. They are invisible because he has not accepted them as his contemporary.

Though he was fully aware of the imperfection in his work, (66) still his work has been accepted as the authority on tribes. His views are taken as authentic and authoritative. Writing the forward to the 2 nd reprint to the “Oraons of Chotanagpur”, Justice Tapan Sen writes, “This ‘Mother for all Books’ in so far as it relates to the scientific study of the Oraons of Chotanagpur is not only an authority on tribal customs but it is also classical and yet authentic masterpiece that seeks to weave folklore and custom on a researcher’s canvass and like the touch of a maestro, makes us aware of the customs, traditions, history and the heritage of the Oraons of Chotanagpur.” In the course of time, his knowledge has been accepted as true and authentic. Even the courts of India have taken his knowledge on tribes as true and valid. In order the illustrate the above point, I will present two court cases. The first one is Kartic Oraon vs David Munzni and Antr by Patna High Court on 14 th November 1963. The court took recourse to the writings of SC Roy from his two major works on Oraons, “Oraon Religion and Customs” (1928) and “The Oraons of Chotanagpur” (1915). The second one is the supreme court judgement on the NE Horo vs Jahan Ara Jaipal Singh case, in which the court maintains that, a Munda male is excommunicated for marrying a non-Munda girl, but such excommunication is not automatic. It is left to the discretion of the panchayats. If the panchayats approved of particular marriage with a non Munda, then the question of excommunication does not arise. In this case too, the supreme court takes SC R Roy’s work on Munda marriage. There are three ways of manufacturing authentic knowledge which the ethnographer meticulously follows so that his/her knowledge is accepted true and authentic.

1. When the researcher who is an outsider but makes a claim of being closely associated with the community: In the preface to ‘The Oraons of Chotanagpur’, S.C. Roy mentions that he has spent fifteen years of intimate acquaintance with the Oraons, including three years special inquiries about their customs and usage before publishing the book in 1915. (67) He has spent another twelve years investigation into the religion and customs of the Oraons before publishing “Oroan religion and Customs” in 1927. He has spent such a long period of time, he could not only speak in the local mundari dialect, but he was also very well acquainted with their customs. (68) In order to prove that the researcher is closely associated with the community, he/she becomes part of the community through an initiation ceremony and also adopt a name. In the case of J. Troisi while conducting the research among the santals, he took the name of Joe Marandi. (69) Similarly, Alpa Shah makes a conscious effort to call Mangra’s wife her ‘bhavji’ thus making Mangra her brother. (70) The purpose here is not merely to have a kinship term to address Mangra or his wife, but her acceptance in the village. Being an insider is fundamental to the production of knowledge especially while doing the ethnography.

2. When it is patronized by the government and the research community: On 4 th April 1913, S.C. Roy was awarded ‘Kaiser-e-Hind’ medal of the second class for public service in India. He was adarded for his contribution to History and ethnology of Mundas. (71) It is obvious he had support of the British government, Missionaries and the British Anthropologists for his research work. This is evident from the fact that all the British officials like Mr. E.A. Gait, Mr. T.S. Macpherson, Mr. J. Reid, Mr. H. J. McIntosh, Mr. D. H. Kingsford, and Mr. W.B. Thomson has been acknowledged. (72) Beside this he has expressed his gratitude to the two jesuit missionaries, Rev. Fr. J. Hoffman and Rev. Fr. Van Hoeck, Re. Dr. A. Nottrott. DD. Of German Mission and Rev. H. Whitley, BA., of the Anglican mission working in Chotanagpur. (73) There is a possibility that these missionaries have been an important source of information for him. A great portion of his work has been is from the Mandar area where both the Lutherran and Catholic missionaries were established by the time Roy started his research. Although not an academic anthropologist himself, he was in close touch with the leading western anthropologist like Frazer, Rivers, Marett, Dixon. (74) When Elwin devoted few weeks among the Asurs of Netarhat plateau while doing his fieldwork, he was assisted by W.G Archer in the collection of fieldwork and materials. (75)

3. When the researcher has spent a significant amount of time in the field (the proof of which is that he/she knows about their language and culture): Ethnographic rigor, disciplinary authority and professional reputation are established by the length of time, depth of commitment, and risks (bodily, physical, emotional) taken in order to acquires cultural understanding. (76) Evans- Pritchard points out that a very close acquaintance with the people and their language is necessary before anthropologists can say what the system of religious and magical thinking is. (77) J. Troisi knowledge of Santali language, his ability to sing number of Santali tunes and to play the tamak (dancing drum) on festive occassion. (78) In order to tell how authentic his data or information is K. N. Sahay writes, “In the course of time I won the affection and sympathy of the villagers and they began to count me as ‘one of them’.” (79) Alpa Shah, in acknowledgements to her book, ‘In the shadows of the state: Indigenous Politics, environmentalism and insurgency in Jharkhand, India,’ writes, “The book is thus result of nearly a decade of my life.” Of this long duration of time spent in the research, she has spent little more than two years in doing fieldwork staying in Ranchi (Capital of Jharkhand), Bero (block headquarter, 40 kms from Ranchi) and Tapu (the village where the research was carried out). (80) This long duration of time which the researcher engages with the research makes it authentic. Though she does not make any claim that this long fieldwork has enabled her to know the language of the people (mundari and kurukh), still this is enough to establish that the knowledge she has produced is authentic. S.C. Roy has devoted chapter five titled, ‘The village dormitories, and the training of youth’, which runs for sixty-four pages. It is very difficult to locate where the Dhumkuria is and more to know about its activities. Still strenuous to know about the Maidens’ dormitory (Pel-Erpa), for its location is not supposed to be known to anyone except its inmates and to those of the Bachelors’ Dormitory. (81) It is with greatest difficulty that an outsider can gather a fairlycomplete knowledge of all those practice. (82) Still this chapter presents lucidly, the social, cultural and sexual life of the youths in great detail, indicating that somebody who is associated to the Dormitory has confided the information to the researcher or the informant. The information about it was gathered partly from personal observation and partly from information elicited by prolonged and persistent enquiries from the people themselves. (83)

Reflections from the field

These reflections are the outcome of my engagement with ethnography and my personal journey as a researcher during fieldwork. As I have pointed out before, that the way anthropology described my community is not what we are. However, they may try to attribute the wrong depiction to the colonial mindset and evolutionary perspectives, they cannot deny the fact that they have traumatized us. When one of my friends came to Kolkata for his higher studies, his classmates easily found out that he was an Adivasi. And to his great surprise his classmates asked whether they live in jungles (forests). Similar experience has also happened with me. In the school, my classmates used to tell me, “You guys can have sex before marriage, right?” I used to wonder why would they ask me such questions. Now after my engagement with anthropology, I have started getting clarity about the insensible questions which I and many like me were bombarded with countless number of times. Such queries were the product of the fanciful depiction of the Adivasis/ tribes in literature and films. Having discussed my journey into knowledge production and engaging with few of the works among the tribes in Chotanagpur, I embark in this section to share some of my experiences; good, not so good, inhibitions, joys and excitements in the field.

1. Ethnography is oblivious about the of the nature of the power relation between someone who is doing research and the one who is being researched. The structure of power certainly affected the theoretical choice and treatment of what social – anthropology objectified. (84) How does the researcher negotiate between his/ her position which is generally of that of an outsider? The researcher might be an upper caste from an urban location. And he/she might be possessing a sophisticated knowledge of English and the dominant regional languages. On the other hand, the one who is being researched is an Adivasi located in a village, speaking an Adivasi language or a regional dialect. Do these locations/ positions do not affect the research? Above I have tried to demonstrate how the location of the researchers have shaped their conception of the British education, Adivasi movements and Christian missionaries’ intervention in Chotanagpur. As a researcher, we need to accept and acknowledge our stand point/ location so we can push a little further the process of knowledge production we are engaged with.

2. I was intrigued with the fact that researchers have spent years in the field, especially S.C. Roy who had spent more than twelve years collecting data and information. Similarly, Alpa Shah had spent almost a decade researching before publishing her Ph.D dissertation under the title, “In the Shadows of the State: Indigenous Politics, Environmentalism, and Insurgency in Jharkhand, India” Even though Roy has spent a huge amount of time gathering information about the Oraons, we are not sure how he has conducted his research. The chapter six in the “The Mundas and their country” is titled, “The Ethnography of the Mundas”, but it cannot be ascertained how the researcher has carried out his research. We are not sure what kind of tools and techniques he has used to collect data. There is a possibility that, the researcher might not have spent significant amount of time in the villages, except getting few information about their social life through few interactions and observations. He gives a detail list of the totems found among the Oraons. (85) One of the totems is Alla (dog), but it is not found among the Oraons. Dr. Shanti Xalxo gives a description of the totems, but does not mention Alla (dog) (86) Beside this Roy spends a great detail of time describing the youth dormitory, but at the same time he tells that such institutions are have almost become extinct. While doing his research among the Kurukhs in Chainpur area in Gumla district in Jharkhand, K.N. Sahay face resistance in the villages not converted to Christianity. They feared him to be government officials, and was there to acquire their land to start an agricultural farm. He writes, “A few individuals tried to quarrel with me on the pretext that I was ‘thief’ and I had ‘come to steal away their knowledge’.” (87) If this was the case then how come Mundas and Kurukhs have passed on so much information about the communities to the anthropologists?

3. Spending long duration in the field is the hallmark of ethnography. Hence we come across many anthropologists who have spent decades learning about the language, culture, history and belief systems of the people they are doing research on. Since my own personal journey with ethnography started I have pondered on these few questions:-

(a) How did they manage to do that?

(b) What was their motivation?

(c) Was there any kind of opposition by the members of the community to them during research expedition or it had been very smooth journey?

4. The very idea that, I was conversing and talking to my own people just to complete my thesis terrified me. I have always interacted with my people in the villages, but now the similar interactions were happening for my own academic pursuit troubled me. Suddenly those sharing and domestic chores become data- fodder for my research, those homes which had always welcomed me had become field, the act of journeying with them had become fieldwork now. Due to the lack of the concept and categories we are still using the same colonial way of doing research and use concepts like data, field and fieldwork. We need to develop alternatives to these categories, for they have objectified humans.

5. In order to do an objective research, I tried my best to hide my Christian identity but still people could easily find out that I was a Christian. Though I am not a practicing Christian, still for them I was a Christian. I realized that how much I tried to give up my religious identity and delocate myself from my locations, it was hard to happen. Even if my identity did not matter to me, but it was of significance to those with whom I interacted. My identity as a kurukh and as an Adivasi was of great significance during my data collection. These identities have in fact opened up many doors into research and my journey for quest for knowledge has become an enriching experience.

6. I have found out that we do not take the ethics of doing research seriously. We are only concerned about the permission which is taken before any interview is conducted and anonymity of the interviewee. Do we even discuss with the people among whom we are doing research about our research? Do we take their permission before taking their photos or even tell them that these photos can be reproduced in the book? Do we even ask whether they want to be anonymous or not?

Conclusion

This paper has attempted to document my personal experiences of engaging with anthropology and doing ethnography. These experiences are located within my stand-point, which gives me perspective of the field. The way I have approached the research is influenced by my location. Having presented a Kurukh critique, I have laid down my critical reflections from the field.

End Notes:

1. According to Xaxa, study on tribes in tribes in India should be done in reference to the actual communities to which they belong and which they represent, that is, as Santals, Khasis, Gonds, etc. (Xaxa 2014: 26)

2. Smith, Linda Tuhiwai (2008). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, London, Zed Books Ltd, pp. 1

3. Bengali bhadralok, an elite that is unique to the Benngali-speaking area. Neither a single class nor a single caste, the bhadralok (literally “respectable people”, or “gentlemen”; sometimes called borolok or “big people”) are a privileged minority most ofter drawn from the three highest castes (Brahmins, Kayasthas, and Vaidyas), usually landed or employed in professional or clerical occupations, extremely jealous of their social positions (which they have maintained by caste and ritual proscriptions and by the avoidance of manual labor), very well educated, very proud of their language, their literacy, and their history, and highly skilled in manintaining communal integration through complex institutional structure that has proved remarkably adaptable. Also see Franda, Marcus F (1972). Radical Politics in West Bengal, London, MIT Publication, pp. 7.

4. Sarana, Gopala & Singh Dharni P (1976), Status of Social- Cultural Anthropology in India in Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 5, pp. 210.

5. Xaxa, Virginus (2014), State, Society, and Tribes: Issues in Post- Colonial India, New Delhi, Dorling Kindersley, pp.1

6. Sarana, Gopala & Singh Dharni P (1976), Status of Social- Cultural Anthropology in India in Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 5, pp. 210.

7. Fabian, Johannes (1983). The Time and Other: How anthropology makes its object, New York, Columbia University Press, pp. 17.

8. Sarana, Gopala & Singh Dharni P (1976), Status of Social- Cultural Anthropology in India in Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 5, pp. 213.

9. Xaxa, Virginus (2014), State, Society, and Tribes: Issues in Post- Colonial India, New Delhi, Dorling Kindersley, pp. 2.

10. Fabian, Johannes (1983). The Time and Other: How anthropology makes its object, New York, Columbia University Press, pp. 17.

11. The emperor Shah Alum granted the Company the Dewani of the Province of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa as a free gift and without payment of the customs of the dewani, which used to be paid to court. Thus Chutia Nagpur (Chota Nagpur) as a part of Bihar officially passed into British hand in 1767.

12. Ekka, Philip (2003). Tribal Movement: A Study of Social Change, Pathalgaon, Ashadeep, pp. 79.

13. Hebbar, Ritambhara (2011). Ecology, Equality and Freedom: The Engagement with Self-Rule in Jharkhand, Mumbai, Eathworm Books Pvt. Ltd., pp. 51.

14. Jha, Jagdish Chandra (1987). The Tribal Revolt of Chotanagpur (1831-1832), Patna, Kashi Prasad Jayaswal research Institute, pp. 10.

15. Kumar, Purushottam (1991). Mutinies and Rebellions in Chotanagpur (1831-1857), Patna, Janaki Prakashan, pp. 1.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid, pp. 2

Ekka, Philip (2003). Tribal Movements: A Study of Social Change, Pathalgaon, Ashadeep, pp. 79.

19. Jha, Jagdish Chandra (1987). The Tribal Revolt of Chotanagpur (1831-1832), Patna, Kashi Prasad Jayaswal research Institute, pp.11.

20. Ekka, Philip (2003). Tribal Movements: A Study of Social Change, Pathalgaon, Ashadeep, pp. 81.

21. Ibid., pp. 80.

22. The GEL missionaries were E Schatz, A Brandt, F Bastsch and Th Hanke.

23. Tete, Peter (1997). A Short History of the expansion of the Catholic Mission in North India, Ranchi, Ranchi Jesuit Society, pp.290.

24. De Sa, Fidelis (1975). Crisis in Chotanagpur, Bangalore, A Redemptorist Publication, pp. 73.

25. Ibid.

26. Clarysse, L (1984). Father Constant Lievens, s.j., Ranchi, Satya Bharti. pp. 112.

27. Tete, Peter (1986). A Missionary Social Worker in India: J.B. Hoffman, The Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act and the Catholic Co-operatives 1893-1928, Ranchi, Satya Bharti, pp. 23.

28. Tirkey, Mahli Livins (2013). Tribal Origins and Culture, New Delhi, Bosco Society for Printing & Graphic Training, pp. 52.

29. As cited in Xaxa V, 2005, Politics of language, Religion and Identity: Tribes in India, EPW, March 26, 2005, p 1363.

30. Bara, Joseph (2009). Alien Construct and Tribal Constestation in Colonial Chhotanagpur: The Medium of Christianity, EPW, Vol XLIV, No 52, December 26, pp. 94

31. Ibid.

32. Grignard, F. A (1909). The Oroans and Mundas: Fromn the time of Their settlement in India (An essay of constructiove History) in Anthropos, Bd. 4, H. 1, pp. 1

33. Ibid.

33. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp.10.

35. Dehon, P (1906). Religion and Costoms of Uraons in Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, No. 9, pp. 122.

36. Asad, Talal (edit) (1973). Introduction, Anthropology and the colonial encounters. New Jersy, Humanities Press, pp. 14-15.

37. The theory of Chaturvarna, beside dividing the society into four orders of Brahmin, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras, goes further and makes the principle of graded inequality the basis for determining the terms of associated life as between the four varnas. (Writing and Speeches of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, vol. 7, 1990, pp. 9)

38. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 233.

39. Ibid, pp. 232.

40. Ibid, pp. 71.

41. S.C Roy has given this as a foot note to show how the diferent names of the parha office bearers are derived from Samskrit. The Oraon term for the village-priest (Naegas or Baiga) looks like a corruption of the Samskrit work ‘Nayak’, leader. Ther term ‘Mahto’ is apparently derived from Samskrit ‘mahat’. Great, and the term ‘munda’ from Samskrit ‘Munda’ head. Also see Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 232.

42. Fuchs, Stephen (1965). Rebellious Prophets: A Study of Messianic Movements in Indian Religions, Bombay, Asia Publishing House, pp. 36.

43. Ibid., 36

44. ‘ Restoration of caste’. Also see Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 251.

45. The man restored to ‘jat’. Ibid, 152.

46. Ibid, pp. 254-55.

47. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 308, 310; Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 149.

48. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 308.

49. Broomfield 1968: 5-6, As cited in Franda, Marcus F (1972). Radical Politics in West Bengal, London, MIT Publication, pp. 7-8.

50. Franda, Marcus F (1972). Radical Politics in West Bengal, London, MIT Publication, pp. 8.

51. Ibid.

52. Seminary a religious institution, where boys among the Catholics and both boys and girls among the protestants study to become priests.

53. Catholic religious undergo few years of training in the Novitiate and after completion they take religious vows. Also see, Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 258.

54. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 309.

55. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 258.

56. Franda, Marcus F (1972). Radical Politics in West Bengal, London, MIT Publication, pp. 8.

57. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 191.

58. This the part of the Introduction to ‘The Mundas and their country’ by E.A. Gait, Ibid, xii.

59. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 191.

60. Ibid.

61. Ibid.

62. Ibid., 136.

63. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 256.

64. Dwight, Conquer (1991). Communication Monographs, Vol. 58, June, pp. 182.

65. Vidyarthi, L.P (1978). Rise of Anthropology in India: A Social Science Orientation, Vol.1, Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, pp. 140.

66. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. ix.

67. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. Vii.

68. Ibid., pp. v.

69. Troisi, Joseph (1978). Tribal Religion: Religious Beliefs and Practices among the Santals, New Delhi, Manohar Publications, pp. 17.

70. Shah, Alpa (2010). In the Shadows of the State: Indigenous Politics, Environmentalism, and Insurgency in Jharkhand, India, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, pp. 5.

71. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2010). The Mundas and their Country, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. iii.

72. Ibid., ix-x

73. Ibid., x.

74. Sarana, Gopala & Singh Dharni P (1976), Status of Social- Cultural Anthropology in India in Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 5, pp. 213.

75.Vidyarthi, L.P (1978). Rise of Anthropology in India: A Social Science Orientation, Vol.1, Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, pp. 142.

76. Dwight, Conquer (1991). Communication Monographs, Vol. 58, June, pp. 180.

77. Troisi, Joseph (1978). Tribal Religion: Religious Beliefs and Practices among the Santals, New Delhi, Manohar Publications, pp. 17.

78. Troisi, Joseph (1978). Tribal Religion: Religious Beliefs and Practices among the Santals, New Delhi, Manohar Publications, pp. 17.

79. Sahay, Keshari N (1976). Under the Shadow of the Cross, Calcutta, Institute of Social Research and Applied Anthropology, pp. 17.

80. Shah, Alpa (2010). In the Shadows of the State: Indigenous Politics, Environmentalism, and Insurgency in Jharkhand, India, New Delhi, Oxford University Press, pp. xi.

81. Roy, Sarat Chandra (2004). The Oraons of Chotanagpur, Ranchi, Crown Publisher, pp. 157.

82. Ibid., 129.

83. Ibid., 130.

84. Asad, Talal (edit) (1973). Introduction, Anthropology and the colonial encounters. New Jersy, Humanities Press, pp. 17.

85. Ibid., 193-95.

86. Xalxo, Shanti (2009). Oraon Sanskriti: Parivartan evao Dishaye, Ranchi, Kurukh Vikash Samity, pp. 73.

87. Sahay, Keshari N (1976). Under the Shadow of the Cross, Institute of Social Research and Applied Anthropology, pp. 18.

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